Both mothers' and fathers' psychological symptoms made significant, and unique, contributions to their ratings of both internalizing and externalizing behaviors, after accounting for aspects of the parent-child relationship.

In summary, in a large population, ascertained on the basis of a child with autism, 39% of families had a high incidence of alcoholism in patterns consistent with genetic inheritance. Families with an apparent genetic cluster of alcoholism were more apt to have children with a normal head circumference (not macrocephalic) and with regressive onset autism. Regressive autism was associated with maternal alcoholism, supporting the hypothesis that there is a maternal effect on the development of autism.

Researchers have found that teaching fathers how to talk to and play with their autistic children in a home setting improved communication, increased the number of intelligible words the youngsters spoke by more than 50 percent and helped dads get more involved in their care.

A harsh, restrictive parenting style also may be in response to the child's overall level of competence. That is, parents may adjust their socialization practices to match their children's characteristics and developmental needs.

Self-efficacy has been identified in the general parenting literature as an important variable affecting parent outcomes. In the present study, 26 mothers and 20 fathers of children with autism reported on their self-efficacy, anxiety, and depression. Teachers rated the behavior problems of the children. Regression analyses showed that self-efficacy mediated the effect of child behavior problems on mothers' anxiety and depression, but there was no evidence that it functioned as a mediator for fathers. However, there was evidence that self-efficacy moderated the effect of child behavior problems on fathers' anxiety. No evidence for the moderating effect of self-efficacy was apparent for mothers. Methodological issues and the theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed.

Beliefs, attitudes, and practices regarding parents'care for their children have been changing over the past century, with new views being particularly reflected in the advice meted out to parents by professionals. This historical overview illuminates the challenges facing researchers, policy-makers, practitioners and parents in the century ahead.

Parents use very different strategies to cope with the challenge of their children's illness. Some are very active in seeking ways to solve problems, others less so. Some are very confident in their own ability while others lack confidence...

A central goal of this chapter is to address what has largely been missing from the study of chronic adversity, namely a focus on the pathways leading to the negative effects on children. What are the mechanisms that explain why poor developmental outcomes occur in these problematic contexts? Conversely, what are the mechanisms that explain why some children and youth are not harmed by chronic adversity?

A number of approaches to explain the responses of parents to the negative impact of their child's disability can be identified in the literature. The dominant view is a time-bound model of grief, which contends that grieving occurs over a period of time, and that successful resolution of this process implies an acceptance of the child's disability. (Did any of you write down that you would "need to grieve before you could accept"?) Another approach which until recently has not commanded the same degree of professional recognition, is the concept of chronic sorrow, which contends that parents adapt, in a functional sense, to their child's condition, but do NOT ultimately accept it.

Family management styles are: thriving, accommodative, enduring, struggling, or floundering.

Despite the theoretical and demonstrated empirical significance of parental coping strategies for the wellbeing of families of children with disabilities, relatively little research has focused explicitly on coping in mothers and fathers of children with autism. In the present study, 89 parents of preschool children and 46 parents of school-age children completed a measure of the strategies they used to cope with the stresses of raising their child with autism. Factor analysis revealed four reliable coping dimensions: active avoidance coping, problem-focused coping, positive coping, and religious/denial coping. Further data analysis suggested gender differences on the first two of these dimensions but no reliable evidence that parental coping varied with the age of the child with autism. Associations were also found between coping strategies and parental stress and mental health. Practical implications are considered including reducing reliance on avoidance coping and increasing the use of positive coping strategies.

The proportion who "regularly" spank, slap, shake, or hit is quite a bit less than this but still substantial. Varying estimates put the proportion whom with some regularity use physical force with toddlers somewhere between 75 and 90 per cent.

Essentially, children can only become well-integrated individuals when their intellectual, social and emotional dimensions are developed in a positive classroom environment.

"In my experience, in each of the savant categories, particularly in the talented and prodigious groups, very loving, optimistic, motivated and hopeful families are a part of the equation of discovering and nurturing the special skills that surface and thrive, and we are all its beneficiaries."

Results suggest that although the use of conditional regard may be an alluring socialization approach, the negative psychological and family-relations consequences associated with it argue for the use of a more autonomy-supportive approach.

The objective of this case-control study was to investigate the determinants of maternal stress in mothers of children with autism. Mothers of 31 children with autism from mental health clinics were matched by child age/gender and mother age to 31 mothers of children without mental health problems, drawn from public schools and a primary care unit. Logistic regression models showed that the presence of stress in mothers was primarily associated with having a child with autism. However, poor expression of affect, little interest in people, being an older mother, and having a younger child also contributed to increased stress levels. Although having a child with autism was the main factor responsible for stress, the presence of the other factors further increased maternal stress. The implication is that a subgroup of mothers of children with autism is more prone to experience stress, thus requiring special attention from mental health professionals.

The purpose of this study is to explore the family dynamics that are associated with parental psychological violence. A qualitative theorizing analysis has been performed upon the content of 26 interviews with parents and practitioners, in order to: (1) develop a typology of family dynamics conducive to psychologically violent parental practices, and (2) provide some support to this typology by confronting it with other data and real life cases. The results suggest four types of families in which psychological violence is likely to occur, characterized respectively by a scapegoat child, a domineering and intolerant father, a rigid and manipulative mother, and a chaotic and incompetent parent. Participants' explanations of the occurrence of psychological violence in a given family support the proposed typology: a different explanatory profile is associated with each type of psychologically violent family. Furthermore, the typology has been submitted to practitioners working in the fields of child protection and community family support, who applied the typology to real files in their caseloads in order to assess its usefulness in clinical settings. This procedure supported the relevance of the proposed typology for practice.

Explores the relationship between parental psychological control and elements of large world religions. Excerpts from scriptures of four different religions and how these scriptures are related to parental psychological control will be discussed

Thirty-three websites self-published on the Internet by parents of children with autism were examined using grounded theory. The process that the parents underwent closely follows an outline drawn by Catford and Ray to describe the hero's development. Following diagnosis, parents of children with autism underwent a period of readjustment after which each of the parents described in the study prepared himself or herself for action. In the aftermath, the parents viewed themselves and their offspring in a positive light. At the close of the life narrative, all said they had come to terms with their child's present circumstances and were prepared to help other parents in coping with their children. Our study suggests that the Internet allows stressed parents of children with autism to forge ties among themselves and extricate themselves from their isolation.

Be suspicious of people who condemn every parenting choice you make, people who don't know anything about you but who nonetheless harbor strong opinions about what's best for your family, people so catty that cats are suing to have the adjective changed.

A half-dozen of us mothers of children with special needs sit around a table at a neighborhood café, sipping coffee and swapping war stories. Cynthia, whose son has a brain injury, wonders aloud whether she'll ever find a qualified baby sitter. Holly updates us on her battle with the insurance company over a new wheelchair for her daughter. When it's Anne's turn to share her news, we brace ourselves. Her mother-in-law was just in town and we all know what that means. "Now she thinks we should sue the drug company! She's been on the Internet and is convinced that a vaccine gave Jake autism." Collectively, we roll our eyes. In our opinion, Anne's mother-in-law has a special need: to find someone to blame for Jake's disability. We sympathize with her attitude, up to a point.

Adolescents who perceive parents as excessively guilt-inducing, disregarding their point of view, and responsive only when parental standards are met, construct maladaptive self-representations in which pursuit of almost unattainable goals is central.

The effects of a parental training program involving three one-day group parent training were evaluated. The training focused on (1) addressing issues of the nature, etiology, and treatment of autism, (2) teaching child management and education skills, (3) discussing family roles and family coping strategies. A total of 24 parents of 23 autistic children participated in the center-based training program, which was performed in three small groups in three different areas of Germany in 1998. The mean age of the children was 8.9 years. The outcome variables included: (a) group training assessments by parents; they evaluated quality of the curriculum, therapist variables, and group atmosphere, using a self-administered Likert-type-questionnaire format, (b) parental 3-month follow-up assessments of the effects of group training on parent-child interactions and family adaptation, using two self-administered Likert-type questionnaires and a semi-structured parent diary. The parent training resulted in (a) a high degree of parental satisfaction with the training format and (b) positive effects on daily parent-child interactions. These findings provide some evidence for the clinical and social validity of the family intervention method examined in this study.

This controlled trial of a parent management intervention aimed to increase parental competence in management of problem behaviours associated with Asperger syndrome. The intervention compared two formats, a 1 day workshop and six individual sessions. Measures were taken on three occasions: pre-intervention, at 4 weeks, and at 3 month follow-up. Variables of interest were number and intensity of problem behaviours, and parent evaluation of social interaction skills. Results showed parents reporting fewer and lower intensity of problem behaviours and increased social interactions at 4 weeks and 3 months. Results held across formats and suggest that parent management training can provide an effective intervention for parents of a child with Asperger syndrome. Group differences on outcome measures and in the use of strategies are discussed along with limitations of the study.

The results established a relation between parental stress and adaptive behaviour of the child. Specifically, lower levels of adaptive functioning were predictive of higher levels of parental stress.

Indulgent parents are more responsive than demanding. Authoritarian parents are highly demanding and directive, but not responsive. Authoritative parents are both demanding and responsive. Uninvolved parents are low in responsiveness and demandingness.

Prevalence rates greater than 90% and the absence of differences according to child or family characteristics suggests that psychological aggression is a near universal disciplinary tactic of American parents.

Families reconstructed reality, used strategies of managing the flow of information, reorganized roles, evaluated and shifted priorities, changed the future orientation, assigned meaning to the illness, and managed the therapeutic regimen

Authoritative parenting works better than most other parenting styles in facilitating the development of social competence. High levels of nurturance combined with moderate levels of control help adults be responsible child rearing agents.

Parent blaming reflects a common inclination to exaggerate parents' responsibility for a child's ways of being -- likewise parents' inclination to accept responsibility -- even where such inclinations are scientifically unjustified.

This study aims to find the coping mechanisms of parents having children with disabilities. Ten parents were identified as having positive coping behaviours. A semi-structured interview was conducted with them and the discussion was transcribed. A qualitative analysis was conducted and several themes were obtained from the interview. It was found that parents with positive adaptive behaviours have a relatively high education level. They have a stable family structure with little financial difficulties. They have a simple family structure consisting of both parents and at least one sibling living with the child with disabilities. These parents are usually outgoing, confident and efficient in time management. It was also found that strong spousal relationships appear to be the main factor attributing success in coping. As well as the family structure, these parents have open attitudes and are highly motivated to search for a local network and social support for their children. They treasured more the education of their children and value their progress. Although they have worries about the future of their children, they would try to resolve problems in a realistic manner. They would seek help and advice from the spouse and close family members. At times, they would also seek help from other parents in the support group and in return, they would offer their advice and help to those who needed it. They also gain satisfaction from helping relationships, thus reinforcing them to continue their active participation in the parent groups and sustain their positive attitudes and coping mechanisms towards their children.

Once you have identified the management style that best reflects your own family, you can become aware of any negative patterns of behavior and take the appropriate steps to change those patterns...

Descriptions and clinical recommendations are provided that addresses each family management type: the chaotic family, ADHD-controlled family, the surviving family, and the reinvested family.